Комментарии: PAK *xʷará. Phonetically a perfect match would be PAT *fǝrǝ in Abkh. a-fǝ́r-χac̣a, Abaz. fǝr 'hero', if we assume a metaphoric use of the root in PAT.
Комментарии: PAT *xʷǝ; Ub. 1st p. a-sǝ́-xa-n. The Kab. form is a compound verb (wǝ-xʷa-n "sifting" + ṣ́ǝ-n "to do"). In PAK cf. also *xʷǝ-zǝ- 'to press (as orange)', reflected in Kab. xʷǝzǝ-n, Ad. fǝzǝ-n.
Значение:1 to fall, fall into 2 to get into 3 to fit into
Абхазский:a-ta-š̌a-rá 1
Абазинский:ta-šʷa-ra 1,3
Адыгейский:da-fa-n 2
Кабардинский:te-xʷa-n 2
Убыхский:χ́a- 1
Комментарии: PAT *sʷa- (used only with preverbs); cf. also Bzyb. a-ta-ś̌a-rá 'to fall into', Abkh. á-kʷ-š̌a-ra (Bzyb. á-kʷ-ś̌a-ra) 'to get into', Abaz. a-kʷ-šʷa-ra 'to get into; to fall on smth., smb.'. PAK *-xʷa- (also used with locative preverbs). Ub. 1 p. sǝ-χ́á-n. The correspondence PAT *sʷ : PAK *xʷ : Ub. χ́ points to PWC *x́ʷ.
Комментарии: PAT *xʷǝ (cf. Bzyb. á-xʷ) 'price', *xʷǝ-ʕa- 'to buy' (Abkh. á-χʷħa-ra, Abaz. χʷʕa-ra); PAK *š́:a-xʷǝ- (a compound with *š́:a- 'to sell' in the first part); Ub. a-s-fá-n (cf. also a noun: fa 'profit'). In Ubykh *xʷ usually gets delabialised ( > x; Ubykh does not have a labialised xʷ); the reason why it changed to f in this case is unclear. Another solution would be to reconstruct PWC *fV ( regularly > Ub. f, PAK *xʷ) with an irregular (dialectal?) change *f > *xʷ in PAT.
Комментарии: PAT *ħa (in Abaz. the root is used only with preverbs); PAK *χa- (also *χǝ- > Ad., Kab. χǝ-n id.); Ub. a-s-χá-n. See Mészáros 1934, 384, Shagirov 2, 109; the alternative comparison of PAK *χǝ- with PAT *xaxa- 'to spin' is unacceptable for phonetic reasons.
Комментарии: PAT *ħaqʷǝ (Abaz. ħaqʷǝ) / *qaħʷǝ (Abkh. a-χáħʷ, cf. also Bz. a-χáħʷ). Since there are no AK and Ub. data, the PWC reconstruction is only tentative.
Комментарии: Kab. ħaš is used in the compound pχa-ħaš 'wooden scoop' (Old Kab. > Abaz. pχaħač́). For PWC it is possible to reconstruct initial *χI- or *χ́I-, medial *ƛ (if Kab. š < PAK *č) or *ƛ́ (if Kab. š < PAK *č́). See Shagirov 2, 23.
Комментарии: PAT *cʷǝ-ħa- (a compound with *cʷǝ- 'bad, evil' = Ub. cʷǝ-χIá). PAK *χʷa-na- 'to curse' is actually a nominal derivate from *χʷa-nǝ 'curse' (preserved in Kab. χʷan), which itself is originally a nominal form of the verbal stem *χʷa-. Delabialisation in PAT and Ub. is due to dissimilation (with the labialised cʷ- of the 1st compound element). Cf. also PAK *χʷǝ-ć̣a- > Kab., Ad. χʷǝṣ́a-n 'to quarrel, swear, grumble' (probably borrowed into Ubykh as χʷǝć̣á- / χʷǝč̣́á- 'être excité'. In Abaz. there are also variants ħʷa-čʷa-ra 'to prate, twaddle', čʷǵa-ħʷa-ra 'to talk scandal' (but these may contain PAT *ħʷa 'to speak').
Комментарии: PAT *(ajǝ)-ħa (with a reciprocal prefix); PAK *ná-χ́ǝ (with a deictic prefix na-). In Ub. ća- is a comparative prefix. See Shagirov 1,281 with literature (justly singling out the common WC root morpheme *χ́V "more"; however, Shagirov's linking this root with PAT *ħaraḳǝ 'high' is probably wrong).
